Wednesday, January 29, 2020

Charles Murray Essay Example for Free

Charles Murray Essay The New Right came from the work of the American Sociologist Charles Murray who viewed welfare payments has causing lone parenthood which in turn created an underclass. Charles Murray visited the UK in 1989 and said it has a developing underclass. Murray said: â€Å"the underclass are defined by their behaviour. Their homes are littered and unkempt. The men in the family are unable to hold down a job. Drunkenness is common. The children grew up ill-schooled and ill-behaved and contribute to a disproportionate share of juvenile delinquents† Murray saw underclass as behaviour a lifestyle choice, a disease which infects certain groups of people. When I use the term underclass I am indeed focusing on a certain type of poor person defined not by his condition, for example, long-term unemployment, but by his deplorable behaviour in response to that condition, for example, unwilling to take jobs that are available to him. This shows how members of the underclass define themselves as different by their own behaviour. Murray singles out three forms of behaviour that define underclass status: * Parenting behaviour * Criminal behaviour * Labour market behaviour Specifically, it is illegitimate births to young women, habitual crime and particularly violent crime, and the refusal of young working class men to enter employment that determines the existence of an underclass. If illegitimate births are the leading indicator of an underclass and violent crime a proxy measure of its development, the definitive proof that an underclass has arrived is that large numbers of young, healthy, low-income males choose not to take jobs. (The young idle rich are a separate problem). (Murray, 1990) Since, in his analysis, it is the poor themselves that are to blame for their poverty, because they either choose to act in a certain way, or are conditioned to do so by over-generous government welfare, the policy solutions that flow from this analysis are, not surprisingly, aimed at changing the behaviour of the poor. The alternative, improving the effectiveness of the welfare programmes, is not considered. Indeed for New Right theorists, the welfare state is a major part of the problem. What such theorists would seek is the dismantling of the welfare state, and a situation set up that would make it dysfunctional for individuals to act in deviant ways. David Marsland Sociologist David Marsland has adopted the new right approach and does not believe that poverty is as bad as others are making out. He claims that groups such as the Joseph Rowntree Foundation purposely confuse poverty with inequality and completely exaggerates the extent of poverty. He argues that there is only absolute poverty and that relative does not exist. Marsland is very critical about universal benefits and services such as health care, education and child benefits. He believes that people who are on low income are results of the state being too generous in their benefits and services rather than the individual’s inadequacy to work (Haralambos Holborn, 2008). A quote from Marsland : the expectation that society, the state, the government, they, will look after our problems tricks us into abdicating from self-reliance and social responsibly (Marsland 1989). However, Marsland has been criticised by Bill Jordan who says that he is wrong to blame the culture of dependenc y to universal welfare provision. He argues that selectively means testing benefits can trap people in a life of poverty. It often turns out that people are better off on benefits than they would be in work. It also can exclude the individual from the rest of society and make them feel ashamed and embarrassed that they receive benefits. Also, if education and health care are private then people with disability and unskilled workers may not be able to afford or find work. Jordan also claims that societies that rely upon means-tested benefits and private health care, tend to develop a large underclass, who have little chance of escaping from poverty; this is the case in countries such as America. Jordan states that poverty is a result of societies being too harsh. He argues that the only way to break the cycle of poverty is by universal benefits that are at a high enough standard so people can afford to work and get back up on their feet (Haralambos Holborn, 2008). Despite this, the New Right approach has been influential across Western countries, and the Conservative party is in power in Britain today.

Tuesday, January 21, 2020

The Flight Path of Airplanes Over Neighborhoods Essay -- Solutions Pap

The Flight Path of Airplanes Over Neighborhoods The houses can’t be unbuilt, and the airports can’t be torn down.   But maybe the fences can be mended.   –Robbie Sherwood    In the past 10 years, many cities across the country have outgrown the planner’s expectations.   Unfortunately the airports that were built 20 or more years ago, have not grown with the cities.   Phoenix has tripled in size in the past 10 years.   The tripling of air traffic has not had anywhere to go.   The same two runways that have been serving the city since 1935 when the airport was built have been extremely over loaded.   It is not just happening in Phoenix, a few years ago Denver received a new airport to relieve the overflow of traffic from the older Stapelton Airport.  Ã‚   In Irvine California, El Toro Marine Air Base is scheduled to be closed next year, and running into opposition to be converted to civilian use.   The changes in the National Airspac e System (NAS) are always happening, either in the routing of traffic or the airports on the ground. The problem arises when the traffic routes change faster than the airport system does.   As said above, there are some changes that are going on in the system right now.   Ã¢â‚¬Å" To accommodate the growing number of flights operating at Sky Harbor construction of a new third runway is underway.   The 7,800-foot parallel runway is scheduled for completion in spring 1999†(Sky harbor International Airport 4). In Denver the traffic load that was being handled by Stapelton Airport was too high.   When Denver International (DIA) opened in February 1995 it could immediately take three times of the traffic that Stapelton could the week before.          I believe that the airports around the country and specifically in Phoe... ...Harbor International Airport. http://www.ci.phoenix.az.us/AVIATION/airports.html   (2 Dec. 1998). â€Å"Phoenix Sky Harbor International Airport.†Ã‚   List of Airport Tables. http://www.nrdc.org/nrdc/nrdcpro/nrdcpro/foc/phazps.html (2 Dec. 1998). â€Å"Record of Approval: Scottsdale Airport Noise Compatibility Program.† Federal Aviation Administration. http://www.faa.gov/arp/app600/14cfr150/roasdl.html (28   Oct. 1998). â€Å"Scottsdale Airport General Information.†Ã‚   City of Scottsdale Transportation.   http://www.ci.scottsdale.az.us/airport/general_info.asp  Ã‚   (28 Oct. 1998). Sherwood. Robbie. â€Å"Airports Runway to future Bumpy:   Olive Branches offered to  Ã‚   Williams Neighbors.†Ã‚   Arizona Republic.   25 Oct. 1998,   community ed.; EV1+. Sullivan, George.   Personal Interview. 27   Oct. 1998. â€Å"What’s New.† Williams Gateway Airport. http://www.flywga.org/whatsnew.htm (2 Dec. 1998)   

Monday, January 13, 2020

The Voting Rights Act of 1965

The 1965 Enactment By 1965 concerted efforts to break the grip of state disfranchisement had been under way for some time, but had achieved only modest success overall and in some areas had proved almost entirely ineffectual. The murder of voting-rights activists in Philadelphia, Mississippi, gained national attention, along with numerous other acts of violence and terrorism.Finally, the unprovoked attack on March 7, 1965, by state troopers on peaceful marchers crossing the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama, en route to the state capitol in Montgomery, persuaded the President and Congress to overcome Southern legislators' resistance to effective voting rights legislation. President Johnson issued a call for a strong voting rights law and hearings began soon thereafter on the bill that would become the Voting Rights Act.Congress determined that the existing federal anti-discrimination laws were not sufficient to overcome the resistance by state officials to enforcement of the 15t h Amendment. The legislative hearings showed that the Department of Justice's efforts to eliminate discriminatory election practices by litigation on a case-by-case basis had been unsuccessful in opening up the registration process; as soon as one discriminatory practice or procedure was proven to be unconstitutional and enjoined, a new one would be substituted in its place and litigation would have to commence anew.President Johnson signed the resulting legislation into law on August 6, 1965. Section 2 of the Act, which closely followed the language of the 15th amendment, applied a nationwide prohibition against the denial or abridgment of the right to vote on the literacy tests on a nationwide basis. Among its other provisions, the Act contained special enforcement provisions targeted at those areas of the country where Congress believed the potential for discrimination to be the greatest.Under Section 5, jurisdictions covered by these special provisions could not implement any ch ange affecting voting until the Attorney General or the United States District Court for the District of Columbia determined that the change did not have a discriminatory purpose and would not have a discriminatory effect. In addition, the Attorney General could designate a county covered by these special provisions for the appointment of a federal examiner to review the qualifications of persons who wanted to register to vote.Further, in those counties where a federal examiner was serving, the Attorney General could request that federal observers monitor activities within the county's polling place. The Voting Rights Act had not included a provision prohibiting poll taxes, but had directed the Attorney General to challenge its use. In Harper v. Virginia State Board of Elections, 383 U. S. 663 (1966), the Supreme Court held Virginia's poll tax to be unconstitutional under the 14th Amendment.Between 1965 and 1969 the Supreme Court also issued several key decisions upholding the const itutionality of Section 5 and affirming the broad range of voting practices that required Section 5 review. As the Supreme Court put it in its 1966 decision upholding the constitutionality of the Act: Congress had found that case-by-case litigation was inadequate to combat wide-spread and persistent discrimination in voting, because of the inordinate amount of time and energy required to overcome the obstructionist tactics invariably encountered in these lawsuits.After enduring nearly a century of systematic resistance to the Fifteenth Amendment, Congress might well decide to shift the advantage of time and inertia from the perpetrators of the evil to its victims. South Carolina v. Katzenbach, 383 U. S. 301, 327-28 (1966). Back to top The 1970 and 1975 Amendments Congress extended Section 5 for five years in 1970 and for seven years in 1975. With these extensions Congress validated the Supreme Court's broad interpretation of the scope of Section 5.During the hearings on these extens ions Congress heard extensive testimony concerning the ways in which voting electorates were manipulated through gerrymandering, annexations, adoption of at-large elections, and other structural changes to prevent newly-registered black voters from effectively using the ballot. Congress also heard extensive testimony about voting discrimination that had been suffered by Hispanic, Asian and Native American citizens, and the 1975 amendments added protections from voting discrimination for language minority citizens.In 1973, the Supreme Court held certain legislative multi-member districts unconstitutional under the 14th Amendment on the ground that they systematically diluted the voting strength of minority citizens in Bexar County, Texas. This decision in White v. Regester, 412 U. S. 755 (1973), strongly shaped litigation through the 1970s against at-large systems and gerrymandered redistricting plans. In Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U. S. 5 (1980), however, the Supreme Court required that any constitutional claim of minority vote dilution must include proof of a racially discriminatory purpose, a requirement that was widely seen as making such claims far more difficult to prove. Back to top The 1982 Amendments Congress renewed in 1982 the special provisions of the Act, triggered by coverage under Section 4 for twenty-five years. Congress also adopted a new standard, which went into effect in 1985, providing how jurisdictions could terminate (or â€Å"bail out† from) coverage under the provisions of Section 4.Furthermore, after extensive hearings, Congress amended Section 2 to provide that a plaintiff could establish a violation of the Section without having to prove discriminatory purpose. The 2006 Amendments Congress renewed the special provisions of the Act in 2006 as part of the Fannie Lou Hamer, Rosa Parks, Coretta Scott King, Cesar E. Chavez, Barbara Jordan, William Velazquez and Dr. Hector Garcia Voting Rights Act Reauthorization and Amendments Act. The 2006 legislation eliminated the provision for voting examiners.

Sunday, January 5, 2020

Is Education A Journey - 851 Words

By the time I hit my twenties it seemed like I had been in school forever. The start of each school year began with enthusiasm followed shortly by the countdown for summer. As the years went by, I focused on that finish line, graduation day. I certainly didn’t believe I would ever have to go back to the days of being a sponge of knowledge, struggling to stay awake through one more lecture. After many years in the work force I realized, if you want to stay competitive, you should probably consider going back to the learning lab. The world we live in is ever changing and evolving and continuing education is what will allow us to meet the challenges of being educated for jobs of the future. Over the years my outlook on learning has changed. It went from mandatory, to fear of inadequacy, to enjoyment and desire. I believe education is a journey (,) not a destination. When I was in college, after high school, the internet did not exist. 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